By Kaaryn S. Gustafson
During the last 3 a long time, welfare guidelines were educated via well known ideals that welfare fraud is rampant. therefore, welfare rules became extra punitive and the limits among the welfare procedure and the felony justice process have blurred--so a lot in order that in a few locales prosecution caseloads for welfare fraud exceed welfare caseloads. in fact, a few recipients manage the welfare process for his or her personal ends, others are gravely damage through punitive regulations, and nonetheless others fall someplace in between.In dishonest Welfare, Kaaryn S. Gustafson endeavors to solve those grey components by way of delivering insights into the historical past, social building, and lived event of welfare. She indicates why dishonest is all yet inevitable--not simply because terrible individuals are immoral, yet simply because traditional members navigating complicated structures of principles are inclined to develop into entangled regardless of their most sensible efforts. via an exam of the development of the crime we all know as welfare fraud, which she bases on in-depth interviews with welfare recipients in Northern California, Gustafson demanding situations readers to question their assumptions approximately welfare regulations, welfare recipients, and crime keep watch over within the usa.
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Extra info for Cheating Welfare: Public Assistance and the Criminalization of Poverty
He employed an economic model of welfare use, describing the receipt of welfare as an individual choice that stood in opposition to work. Murray used the image of the “carrot and stick” to describe state-created incentives and disincentives for work that the state created or could create (176). He also used the language of desert, arguing that the welfare policies of the sixties had transferred resources from “the most capable poor to the least capable, from the most law-abiding to the least law-abiding, and from the most responsible to the least responsible” (201).
It stated that “as a direct result of this high rate of divorce, separation, and desertion, a very large percent of Negro families are headed by females. While the percentage of such families among whites has been dropping since 1940, it has been rising among Negroes” (9). Even worse, according to the report, many of the children in female-headed households received AFDC, a program originally designed for widows and orphans (12). In Moynihan’s popular portrayal, low-income African American mothers were a social threat because they gave birth to and raised sons who became the criminal, urban underclass.
The grassroots movements for welfare rights arose among low-income mothers, mostly women of color, in urban areas (Kornbluh 2007). Local welfare rights groups arose almost simultaneously in a number of cities spanning the United States, including Los Angeles, San Francisco, Oakland, Chicago, Detroit, Cleveland, Manhattan, Brooklyn, and Roxbury (Bailis 1974, 11; Cloward and Piven 1966, 513; Jackson and Johnson 1973, 22, 103; Pope 1989, 40-51; West 1981, 22). The early groups had no shared plan for action, few political or material resources, differing grievances, and little to no knowledge of each other’s efforts.
Cheating Welfare: Public Assistance and the Criminalization of Poverty by Kaaryn S. Gustafson